The Holocaust Diaries: Book III
A Homeland For The Just
by
Book Cover & Preview Text
For the next fifteen minutes or so, Pat brushed hope along with despair into the same portrait.
At times, I found myself unconsciously nodding in agreement and in unison with the others. But then, only several minutes later, I'd catch myself shaking my head, adamantly mired in disbelief or in disgust, at some other conclusion that Pat had proffered. All in all, each of us seemed to have adopted similar robotic movements.
"Even Jewish communities in the Middle East -- native, indigenous Jewish populations both inside and outside of Palestine -- view the Zionist program with a degree of distrust and alarm. Many genuinely fear the implications of forced immigration into Palestine and the persecution that could erupt."
"Oh?" I said to myself.
"For the most part, in many communities, cordial racial and social and economic relationships exist between the Arab and the Jew. Among the Arab populations," Pat went on, "there is little or no anti-Jewish sentiment, as we ordinarily use the term. In fact, neither is there serious opposition to the concept of a Jewish National Home."
"Oh?"
"Even Saud said as much just recently in one of his private letters to Franklin. Didn't he, Franklin?"
"Yes. He did just that."
"He doesn't want to do anything at the present time, gentlemen, to cause difficulty for the United States 'when you need,' he says, 'especially at this time, to devote yourself and direct your individual attention to the prosecution of the war. You see,' he said, 'if I should write to Franklin publicly and receive a public reply favorable to the Arabs, then, Jewish antagonisms develop. And, vice versa, if a reply by the President of the United States is made favorable to the Jews or none is made at all, then, Arab dissatisfaction is aroused.'
"He prefers, gentlemen, because of his sympathy to the United Nations' cause and because of his friendship to us, to remain silent."
"Oh."
"He'll remain silent. You see, he does not want to take the initiative. He'll only intervene in Palestine if asked by the highest international levels, as he calls it. And that means us or the British government. If Jews and Arabs want to settle this issue without him, that's fine with him."
"Well, that is most reassuring, Pat," said Stephen.
Pat nodded in agreement. "But, he says, we must watch Ben Gurion and the like, and the Transjordon and the Hashimites. They could affect the pipeline and affect his influence among the Palestinian Arabs. In effect, force him out of Palestine. He says, he wants to help us and the Allies but, if Ben Gurion eliminates the Palestinian Arabs or if the Hashimites move in and dominate and control Palestine, then, the pipeline is lost."
"Oil and Palestine, just like Ickes said. How intertwined is the wicked web woven," I thought to myself.
"On the day of my departure," Pat continued, "Saud sent for me. And in private, he personally discussed these things with me. And in strictest confidence, asked that I bring them to Franklin's attention."
He stopped for a moment to pour himself a glass of water.
Formats
Book Details
About the Book
Book Three
A HOMELAND FOR THE JUST
The Holocaust concerning Palestine and the licensing
problem and anti-Semitism in the State Department
during World War II
To assist in the rescuing of the Jews in Europe, Roosevelt and the WEJ see that the establishment of a homeland for the Jews in Palestine is a necessity. He not only condones the use of violence to attain this end, but also subscribes to elaborate schemes to bribe Arab leaders, specifically King Ibn Saud of Saudi Arabia, in order to realize the formation of a Jewish State.
Also in defiance of Assistant Secretary of State, Breckinridge Long, and his colleagues at the State Department who attempt to thwart Roosevelt's Palestine policies and European rescue plans, Roosevelt simultaneously initiates and supports the covert transfer of "Joint” and US funds to Joint and WEJ contacts in Europe to save, ransom, or assist Jews anywhere even if the funds fall into enemy hands as bribes or pad Nazi bank accounts. He agrees with the WEJ to violate US law and by-pass his anti-Semitic State Department. It is Henry Morgenthau and his boys at the Treasury Department who compile data and evidence that Long and his people are anti-Semitic and are intentionally blocking Roosevelt's Palestine policies and the licensing and transfer of funds to Europe. They submit a secret report to Roosevelt entitled PERSONAL REPORT TO THE PRESIDENT ON THE ACQUIESCENCE OF THIS GOVERNMENT IN THE MURDER OF THE JEWS, JANUARY 16, 1944, which documents State's anti-Semitic activities and, if made public, would inflict a severe blow to the Roosevelt administration particularly during a presidential election year. Within days of its presentation to Roosevelt, this report leads to the formation of Roosevelt's War Refugee Board and to its overt public mission to save European Jewry.
-- Leo V. Kanawada, Jr.
About the Author
Dr. Leo V. Kanawada, Jr. was born in 1941 in Flushing, Long Island, New York, and educated at Bucknell University, where he received his Bachelor of Science Degree in Secondary Education. His Masters of Arts Degree in American History was awarded by The Maxwell School at Syracuse University, and his Ph.D. in History by St. John's University, Jamaica, New York.
After serving as a decorated captain of Infantry, United States Army, with the Second Infantry Division in 1966 in South Korea and in the Vietnam War in 1967 with the 71st Assault Helicopter Company and as a platoon leader with the 196th Light Infantry Brigade, Americal Division, Kanawada returned to his hometown and taught in the Hicksville Public Schools for thirty years. In the Department of History at Hicksville High School, he created and taught a Humanities Honors Program for the Gifted and Talented and was later honored and inducted into the Hicksville Hall of Fame. He was also cited in Who's Who in New York, in Who's Who Among America's Teachers, and in the Directory of American Scholars.
His first book, authored in 1982, was a scholarly work on the presidency and American foreign policy entitled FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT'S DIPLOMACY and American Catholics, Italians, and Jews (UMI Research Press/Pro Quest). And later as an elder and president of his Church, he published SOMETHING WORTHWHILE: The Life and Times of The Parkway Community Church, 1628-1981 (Exposition Press). The five volumes in THE HOLOCAUST DIARIES (AuthorHouse) were a labor of love, realized after more than a decade of research, writing, and devotion.
Lee Kanawada lives with his wife, Carol, in Long Island, New York.