Charleston in the 20th Century
by
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The Triangle area differed markedly from the Washington-Shrewsbury area. Less traditionally middle class, the Triangle was poorer than its neighboring black area a few blocks to the east. The clearest distinction between the two areas concerned the ownership of real estate. Whereas the Washington-Shrewsbury blacks largely owned their business real estate, Triangle blacks largely did not. The Triangle became a recognizable community during the Twenties. However, as a physical space, it originated in 1909 when the Legislature created a triangular shaped ward against the Elk River extending east to Court Street and bounded on the north by Slack Street and on the south by Washington Street. Early on the Triangle gained a reputation for notoriety. The area was known by such epithets as Isle of Vice, Little Chicago, and the back end of town. The usual vices could be found there – prostitution, gambling, and liquor during prohibition. Fry’s Alley, a narrow east-west street running through the area, stood out as the vice center. But the street was also known as the place for good music and good ribs. Many whites frequented Fry’s Alley for the women, liquor, and a good time. Although in many areas the vices are associated with violent crime, this was not the case in the Triangle. The area had very little crime against people or property. Former Police Chief John Bailes, who as a patrolman worked the Triangle in the Fifties, once stated that although there was crime in the area, it was victimless crime. In its later years, about 5000 people lived in the Triangle. Not all were black. A few poor whites were scattered through the area, and when the Washington Manor public housing project was completed in 1941, the area got more whites. Many of the Triangle residents were poor and lived in substandard housing, but there were also many owner occupied middle class, single family homes. Many of these were on Margaret, Joseph, and Donnelly streets. There were many small businesses in the area, and many blacks earned their livelihood from them. Donnelly Street in the Thirties was home to an ice cream manufacturer, a printing company, a battery store, a barber and beauty shop, and a restaurant. Two blocks north on Dryden Street were the Checker Tire Service, National Lunch, Blue Haven Inn, Tri-State Brewing Company, an oil well supply company, and a railway garage. On Bullitt and Young streets one found grocery stores, a tire and wrecking service, a rooming house, and a Baptist Church. Throughout the Triangle, there was no segregation of housing and business. Like the Washington-Shrewsbury area, the Triangle developed before single use zoning, and the mix of houses, work sites, an entertainment places worked in harmony. Fry’s Alley for all its notoriety was principally a residential street. By the Fifties, small businesses were still common in the Triangle. The Checker Tire Service was still on Donnelly Street. Other businesses on the street were a radio store, a meat shop, a restaurant, a garage, and a towel supply business. Fry’s Alley had been renamed Christopher Street, and it was still primarily a residential street, but it had legitimate businesses also, such as a Firestone retread shop. Bullitt Street in the fifties was home to two restaurants, a used furniture store, a grocery store, and a lumber company. Yet in spite of the area’s viability, sub-standard housing and vice continued to plague the Triangle, and these conditions gave the city government through the urban renewal program the rationale to seek the eradication of the Triangle. But before getting to urban renewal, two blows from other forces need to be mentioned. These were not vindictive attacks on the Triangle; rather the double assaults involved two agencies carrying out their special interests and the Triangle was unfortunate enough to be in the way. The West Virginia Water Company delivered the first blow in 1966 when it purchased acreage in the eastern part of the Triangle near Court and Smith streets in order to construct a new water treatment plant. This meant the eviction of 215 tenants and the razing of their housing. The removal and relocation went relatively smooth. An organization of housing groups called Action for Housing helped with the effort and by August 1966 all residents were out. Following the Water Company’s action, the Triangle next endured the efforts of the interstate highway officials chipping away at the size of the area. The previous chapter discussed the traffic aspects of the interstates. Here only the route is relevant.
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Largely unrestricted development in housing, business, and manufacturing characterized early 20th Century Charleston. Though this brought wealth to the city, the growth was untempered by government planning, bringing many problems to the city. Within this context, the author discusses the growth and decline of the black area around the Washington-Showsbury area and the West Side. Charleston’s attempt to deal with its critical housing situation is highlighted in the author’s discussion of the city’s Triangle area. In addition, the city’s missed opportunities to develop urban parks at Mission Hollow, the West Side, and elsewhere is emphasized. The physical growth of Charleston is discussed in the context of city planning, stressing such issues as traffic, the interstate controversy, zoning, and urban renewal. As problems began to fester, the critical role of Charleston’s newspapers becomes clear, as both papers criticized an ineffective city council. Through it all, the city supported dedicated theatrical and music organizations. The symphony, Kanawha players, and others are seen here enhancing life in Charleston.